Archive for the ‘Central in English’ Category

An article (for subscribers only) by Louise Redvers sheds light on the permanent violence exerted upon peaceful protesters by the savage police forces under the command of the regime.


Peace abroad, but not necessarily at home

Another heavy-handed shutdown of an attempted anti-government protest has stirred anger in Angola, where people are becoming increasingly concerned about the government’s apparently growing intolerance to criticism. The ruling MPLA accuses its detractors of trying to subvert democracy, but opposition parties claim this obsession with maintaining the peace is only serving to stir up more political intolerance.

Angola is working overtime to promote itself abroad as a vibrant economic success story and a beacon of regional stability. In October it won a seat on the UN Security Council, and in January it will take over the presidency of the Kimberly Process, the international body set up to counter the trade in so-called blood diamonds. Meanwhile, local venture funds regularly appear in the international media proclaiming the country’s tantalising investment opportunities. However, although the government pours money into polishing up its external image, domestic tensions are rising. People are increasingly unhappy with how the authorities are reacting to the actions of youth groups and opposition parties that are critical of the ruling Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA) and the president of 35 years, José Eduardo dos Santos.

Events in Burkina Faso, where hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets and forced the removal of the long-serving president, Blaise Compaoré, prompted a handful of political activists to give media interviews warning that Mr dos Santos could meet a similar fate. In response, a number of leading MPLA figures spoke out, calling on people to keep the peace and maintain order. More controversially, the main opposition party, the União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola (UNITA), was accused of inciting violence through public protest, and in mid-November the state-owned Jornal de Angola ran a front-page story in which the interior minister, Ângelo de Barros Veiga Tavares, warned of “veiled efforts” to overthrow the democratic regime. Mr Veiga Tavares also called on the security services to “intensify their surveillance” and ensure law and order were maintained.

This is not the first time the government has adopted a highly defensive tone against its critics, and nor was the heavy-handed shutdown of youth protests in late November the first of its kind. However, the cumulative effect of the threatening language and growing catalogue of allegations of police cruelty is to provoke new tensions that could, if left unchecked, lead to more sustained social unrest.

Security services on trial?
Another headache for the government is the resumption in November of the criminal trial of seven security agents accused of killing two activists who went missing after an anti-government protest in May 2012. For 17 months the authorities denied any knowledge of the whereabouts of Isaias Cassule and António Alves Kamulingue, but in November 2013, following sustained civil society pressure, the attorney-general finally admitted the pair had been kidnapped and probably murdered.

Local media have devoted substantial space to pouring over the details of the case, including claims from within the State Intelligence and Security Service that one of activists had been recorded meeting with a supposed agent from the US’s Central Intelligence Agency, who it later transpired was a Human Rights Watch researcher of Swiss nationality. The trial is a major embarrassment for Angola’s security services and for the country generally and it jars with the glossy promotional videos shown at “invest in Angola” roadshows.

November was also the first anniversary of the death in custody of Manuel Ganga, a member of the country’s third-largest party, the Convergência Ampla de Salvação de Angola-Coligação Eleitoral (CASA-CE). Mr Ganga was detained by presidential guards after distributing posters advertising a protest march reacting to the admission from the attorney-general that Mr Cassule and Mr Kamulingue were dead. Mr Ganga was, it was reported, shot, because he tried to escape detention.

To mark Mr Ganga’s death—for which no-one has yet been charged—CASA-CE and his family members led a procession through the capital, Luanda, on November 22nd. This passed off peacefully, but later that day riot police detained a group of youths who tried to stage a protest calling for the resignation of Mr dos Santos. Officers locked down part of the city centre to prevent their passage and there are claims—apparently backed by photographs on social media—that some young people were beaten while in detention.

This seemingly disproportionate response to a small group of placard-carrying young people reveals a nervousness, even a paranoia, on the part of the authorities. No-one, not least the young people themselves, expects these demonstrations to start an Egypt-style revolution; rather, their protests have become about the principle of exercising their constitutional right to freedom of expression and assembly.

For several months, different members of the loose group calling itself the Movimento Revolucionário Angolano have been staging “pop-up” protests to test the reactions of the authorities, who have on the whole taken the bait and made arrests. Every detention is more grist to the mill for lobby groups like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, both of whom have in recent months issued damning appraisals of the Angolan government.

The MPLA’s hegemonic grip on Angola’s economy, middle classes, cultural sector and religious movements means that any sort of Burkina Faso-style “African Spring” is highly unlikely. However, anger is fermenting, and with the continuing falling oil price likely to lead to cuts in public spending over the coming year, the government is going to have to work twice as hard to win the confidence of its population. Being so prickly about criticism is not the best way to do so.



– Political party CASA-CE via its youth wing, JPA, will organize a protest on the 22nd and 23rd of November 2014, going into the city of Luanda from the south-east to the Santa Ana cemetery over the Avenue Avenida Deolinda Rodrigues, with an outdoor Mass and prayer at 15h.
– The motto is: “Ganga – An example of patriotism and courage and an inspiration for the change of regime in Angola”, to demand the bringing to justice of the responsible for the death of their member Hilbert Ganga by the Presidential Guard.
– The activist was killed by a bullet on the 22nd of November last year by an individual belonging to the Presidential Guard when, with other colleagues, he was putting up pamphlets which announced an upcoming protest.

Translation of  Voice of America’s (VOA) article dated November 5th, titled: Casa-Ce planeia manifestação contra silêncio sobre morte de Hilbert Ganga


One year later remains to be solved the assassination of activist Hilbert Ganga by the Presidential Guard.

Manuel José, 5-11-14

The youth wing of Casa-CE plans to organize a protest this month to demand to bring to justice the responsible for the death of their supporter Hilbert Ganga by the Presidential Guard.

The activist was killed by a bullet on the 22nd of November last year by an individual belonging to the Presidential Guard when, with other colleagues, he was putting up pamphlets which announced the realization of a protest.

The Patriotic Youth of Angola (JPA) announced today, 5, that it will execute a series of activities this month, with the highlight of a march on the 22nd of the current, departing from the Estalagem neighborhood in Viana, to reach Santa Ana cemetery, where an outdoor Mass will be carried out, starting at 15 hours.

The march, according to Levergildo Lucas, secretary for Political Affairs for the JPA, is intended to press the authorities to hand over to justice the assassins of Hilbert Ganga.

“We won´t stop to mention the name of José Eduardo dos Santos, the President of the Republic who until now did little to nothing to let the direct culprit of the assassination of Ganga be presented to justice”, he said.

“We, the youth, will continue to fight to make sure the direct perpetrator just as the moral actors of this crime will have to respond in court”, he added.

Lucas admitted, however, there are indications that “the accused will be brought to judicial authorities to let him be tried and we are waiting because we are under pressure from family and the society”.

The journey of the JPA will begin on Thursday and will end on the 23rd of this month under the motto “Ganga – An example of patriotism and courage and an inspiration for the change of regime in Angola”.

– On the 22nd and 23rd of November 2014  peaceful protests for political reform in Angola will be held by young activists.
– The protests will take place at the Independence Square, and at the surroundings of the constitutional court and, tentatively, the presidential palace.
– A letter is subscribed by new groups with integration of already renowned conglomerates like the Revolutionary Movement of Angola MRA.


Translation of Letter to Provincial Government

To the Provincial Government of Luanda – Cabinet of the Governor – Luanda

Topic: Communication of the realization of a protest on the 22nd and 23rd of November 2014.

Excellency, we are members of the civil society (civil activists), our activities pertain to what we think is a contribution to the construction of a democratic society. We are leaving you this letter, to communicate to government authorities, under article 47º of the constitution of the Republic of Angola, that we will carry out a peaceful protest on the 22nd and 23rd of November 2014. The aforesaid protest will have its assembly point at Independence Square at 15h, with the start at 22h in front of the constitutional court. At 23h we are going to be protesting in front of the presidential palace under the slogan ´political reform in Angola´.

Thereby demanding before Africa and the world the immediate resignation of José Eduardo dos Santos from the position of president of the republic.

It will be featuring members of the Revolutionary Movement.

Protest Movement of Angola
Revolution Movement of Angola
Angolan Reformer Movement
Activists Union of the 18 provinces and the people in general

Without further points of concern we wish you a good health

Luanda, 10 October 2014.
National Council of Activists from Angola – Different Peoples One Nation … To Liberty
The subscribers

Written by Louise Redvers and “snatched” from OSISA’s blog, the original article can be found here


On the sidelines of the recent United Nations General Assembly meetings in New York, Angola invited investors to a business forum. Vice President Manuel Vicente – who remains under the scrutiny of the US regulator, the Securities Exchange Commission (SEC) regarding ownership of oil shares – told his audience how the country was “experimenting with a process of political and economic transformation which is consolidating the democratic institutions.”

The former Sonangol CEO stressed that the government was working hard to “implement measures that guarantee sustainable development, economic growth, population growth, employment and social justice, through equal opportunities for all citizens and fair distribution of the national revenue.”

I’m sure it was a well-attended event. As Africa’s second-largest oil producer, Angola offers significant investment rewards – and I imagine many business cards were swapped and follow-up meetings planned.

Meanwhile, back at the ranch, while Vicente, who was deputizing for President Jose Eduardo dos Santos, who after 34 years in power appears to believe global summits are beneath him and hence rarely travels, waxed lyrical about the nation’s achievements, Angola’s democracy ‘experiment’ didn’t appear to be going so well.

On September 12 in an incident revealing anything but the aforementioned social justice, 17-year-old Manuel Chivonde Baptista ‘Nito Alves’ was arrested for printing t-shirts with a slogan deemed ‘defamatory’ to the President. According to the state-owned Televisao Publica De Angola (TPA) the youngster had been “caught red-handed trying to take the country back to war”.

The t-shirts, it was claimed, were intended to be worn by members of a youth protest group, which had announced some weeks earlier they were going to stage a public demonstration. The aim of the event, among other things, was to complain about the length of dos Santos’ tenure, and voice concerns about continued forced evictions and demolitions, violence against street vendors, the unequal distribution of the country’s oil wealth and the continued disappearance of two activists, who vanished from a protest in May 2012.

What happened next has been well-told by international media, including Reuters and AFP and equally loudly condemned by Human Rights Watch and others. But in summary:

The day before the protest, which was planned for September 19, Police spokesman Aristofanes dos Santos used national television to warn the group not to assemble. Claiming that the event would threatening public security and citing leaflets that asked people to attend with weapons (leaflets the organisers denied producing) he said, “We will prevent, I repeat, vehemently prevent all acts against public order and security and we will use force if necessary.”

The spokesman stressed that the clampdown would not violate constitutional rights, which allow freedom of assembly and expression, but was necessary because the gathering threatened law and order.

In the end, only a dozen of so young people turned up at Praça da Independência, the spot where Angola’s first president, Agostinho Neto, declared his country’s independence from Portugal on November 11, 1975.

The police were waiting for them, in numbers which some say stretched to 2,000, though perhaps several hundred would have been more accurate. Still as well as the riot squad, it was reported there were heavily-armed Rapid Intervention Police (known as Ninjas for their masked appearance), mounted officers, dog teams and – it was claimed – a helicopter circling overhead.

Needless to say, the protest didn’t last long and within hours, more than 20 people were in custody and the square had been cleared – and the public security threat of a handful of young people carrying banners had been removed. This type of heavy-handed and over-the-top response exposes Angola as an authoritarian regime that not only cannot tolerate criticism, but is also so paranoid that it cannot bear to allow people to speak freely.

Unsurprisingly, this is not the Angola you see in the promotional videos that run on CNN, or the one that is portrayed at investment conferences. And it is somewhat ironic that the authorities’ attempts to block the protest and silence the young people involved should have led to such a stream of negative international headlines – and helped to spread their message much further than a peaceful demonstration ever would.

Perhaps the biggest mistake the police made was to detain journalists. On September 20, Rafael Marques de Morais, who runs the MakaAngola website, Alexandre Solombe Neto, President of the Angola chapter of the Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) in Angola and Vice President of the country’s Journalist Union, and Coque Mukuta, a reporter with the Voice of America Portuguese Service, were seized by armed police as they tried to interview the recently-released protestors outside a Luanda courthouse.

Surely given all the money Angola spends on publicity campaigns and secret information services, it must know that arresting an internationally-renowned anti-corruption campaigner, a senior member of its journalist union and a correspondent for one of the world’s biggest broadcasters is a bad idea?

Marques’s detailed and erudite description of his time in custody and the mistreatment he suffered rang a number of international alarm bells – and soon Reporters without Borders and Committee to Protect Journalists had joined the chorus of condemnation, alongside other local journalists who also voiced their outrage.

While Marques, Solome and Mukuta were released on the day of their arrest, the seven protesters held with them were kept in custody until September 23 when they were bailed for a collective US$15,400. (If you want to contribute to the bail fund, you can find more information here.)

This protest and its associated arrests may seem insignificant in the wake of the Westgate Mall siege in Kenya, or the Boko Haram attacks in Nigeria, both of which have claimed scores of lives. But what this incident reveals about Angola is important.

It tells us that the rights and freedoms that the government likes to boast about to potential investors, such as those in New York last month, are rather selectively enjoyed.

We see a police force that is prepared to use live television to threaten its own citizens, taking the actions of a dozen young people apparently more seriously that the wave of violent crime that has lately swept the capital. We see citizens arrested without cause. And we see a state media full of journalists who are prepared to parrot regime propaganda without question, so long as they keep getting paid.

But the Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA) knows it cannot rely forever on crackdowns and clever exploitation of people’s memories of the civil war. It knows that it needs to get the youth on its side. Young people now make up two fifths of the population. These are future voters and unless things start to change and the much-hyped economic diversification plan actually starts to bear fruit then they will be the future long-term unemployed with a lot less to lose than their war-weary parents.

In June, as part of a campaign to respond to growing disenchantment, dos Santos invited a group of young people to his pink presidential palace. Described as an ‘open dialogue’ (although the awkward photograph carried on the front of the Jornal de Angola the next day seems to suggest anything but), dos Santos told his audience – most of whom were not born when he began his term in office – that he was listening to their concerns.

The 71-year-old, whose daughter Isabel has recently become Africa’s first female billionaire and whose son Jose Filomeno runs the country’s Sovereign Wealth Fund, stressed his government’s commitment to young people, job creation and equity of opportunity. He called for everyone to keep talking and he said it was better to engage in dialogue than take to the streets to protest.

And just days before this latest round of arrests, dos Santos spoke at another youth event, telling 3,000 delegates from around the county that everyone needed to work together as active citizens.

All these words are noble, but they will no doubt be ringing hollow for the bailed protestors and their families, as well as for 17-year-old Nito Alves, who was allegedly kept in solitary confinement for two weeks following his arrest. (Click here to sign a petition calling for his release.)

If dos Santos really believes young people are so important to the development of Angola, it is about time he started listening to all of them, not just those voices he wants to hear.

I am sure there will be people who read this and say I am giving too much of a platform to a tiny majority, a handful of disaffected youth, and that the majority of the population is firmly behind the government and that the country has progressed in great economic leaps and bounds since the end of its war in 2002.

And I agree that these protestors are not many in number, but if they didn’t have something important to say, then I don’t think they would have been victim to such a large-scale clampdown.

By Louise Redvers

A equipa da Central vem por esta agradecer ao grande serviço prestado à Nação e ao mundo por S. Exª Camarada Eng.º Arqº da Paz Guia Imortal Adjunto Comandante-em-chefe Presidente José Eduardo “Kitumba” dos Santos, ao submeter-se pela primeira vez em 22 anos a um questionário previamente estudado ao qual se chamou de entrevista, oferecendo-nos a evidência definitiva da sua caducidade e necessidade urgente de passar à reforma.

Foi uma fantástica exibição de esterilidade de ideias, de incapacidade retórica, de inexperiência na submissão à incómoda posição de entrevistado (repararam nas primeiras perguntas como os olhos dele de cabulão andaram desesperadamente à procura dos dados estatísticos inventados?), de desconexão total com a realidade daqueles que pretende governar, do cinismo que não mais consegue dissimular atrás daquele risinho, da incoerência no discurso (ao mesmo tempo que enuncia a formação de quadros como sendo o maior feito do seu governo, sublinha a gritante falta de quadros anunciando que as portas estão escancaradas à imigração), um autêntico fogo-de-artifício de lugares-comuns e um carnaval de insultos à inteligência dos angolanos.

Não iremos ressaltar a “curiosidade” de ter privilegiado uma cadeia televisiva internacional para uma tão exclusiva cedência, nem dar-nos ao trabalho de refutar as ridículas acusações que nos foram endereçadas pois são de tal modo descabidas que seria preciso um esforço colossal para alguém ainda engolir essa historieta da carochinha, ou a voluntária cegueira militante que parece obrigatória para quem deseje singrar ladjum. Preferimos deixar as imagens falarem por si e lamentar que a SIC não tenha feito uma reportagem semelhante para contrapor a maquilhagem do progresso e Estado Social que o Henrique “sorriso chinês” Cimmerman ajudou a fazer.

(English translation below)

The Central team thanks the great service offered to the Nation and the world by His Excellency Comrade Engineer Architect of Peace Immortal Guide Adjunct Commander-in-Chief President José Eduardo “Kitumba” dos Santos, in submitting himself for the first time in 22 years to a previously-studied questionnaire, so-called interview, offering us definitive evidence of having past his expiration date and the urgent necessity of his retirement.

It was a fantastic exhibition of the sterility of ideas, of rhetorical incapacity, of inexperience in submitting to the uncomfortable position of the interviewee (note how in the first questions his eyes followed his cheat sheet desperately seeking invented statistical data?), of total disconnect from the reality of those he pretends to govern, of the cynicism that can no longer be hidden behind that little laugh, of the incoherence in the discourse (at the same time that he announces the education of cadres as the great achievement of his government, he underlines the screaming lack of skilled cadres when announcing that the doors are thrown open to immigration), an authentic fireworks of clichés and a carnival of insults to the intelligence of Angolans.

We will refrain from emphasizing the ‘curiosity’ of having privileged an international television station for such an exclusive offering, nor will we go to the trouble of refuting the ridiculous accusations that were addressed to us, they were so without basis that it would take a colossal effort for someone to swallow this old wive’s tale, or a militant voluntary blindness that seems obligatory for one who wants to succeed ‘inside’. We prefer to let the images speak for themselves and we regret that SIC did not report something similar to counterpose the makeup of progress and the Social State that Henrique ‘Chinese smile’ Cimmerman helped to create.

Angola is a country that has been ruled by the same party, the MPLA, since independence in 1975. The party has effectively transformed itself from a socialist bloc into a purely capitalistic organization with a diverse array of business interests and impressive market-savvy, all thanks to the barrels upon barrels of oil the country has been endowed with. In order to even begin to understand Angola’s politics however, one must first attempt to comprehend just how powerful and ubiquitous the MPLA is. O MPLA é o povo, e o povo é o MPLA (“The MPLA is the people, and the people are the MPLA”) is one of their most cherished slogans, originating from the time Angola was a single-party state between 1975-1992. If even just symbolically, it effectively demonstrated that in the MPLA psyche there was not even a need to separate between party and state and citizenry. The slogan speaks to the core about how the MPLA is so ingrained in Angolan civil society.

The country’s flag and the ruling party’s flags are virtually indistinguishable, all 18 provincial governors are appointed by the President and belong to the ruling party, and virtually all Ministers, government officials, judges, professors in state universities, and journalists in state media belong to the MPLA. Even Akwá, arguably Angola’s greatest professional football player, appeared in an election campaign ad for the MPLA dressed in the full national team uniform and scored a penalty kick after an overweight player dressed in UNITA’s colors had missed his. Akwá then became a Member of Parliament for the MPLA.

People in Angola usually blame the opposition for allowing this hegemony to go on unchecked, claiming that they are weak, bereft of ideas, and just as corrupt as those who they want to depose. Although true for some of the parties out there, most people are simply not aware of opposition party activities because these activities are not broadcast in national media. And when they are, the material is usually manipulated so that it loses its impact. In effect, the opposition is blockaded in traditional media.

Since the 2012 elections however, the opposition parties have showed renewed vigor and strength. Perhaps buoyed by their improvement in the polls (in 2008 MPLA won the elections with 82% of the vote to UNITA’s 10%, while in 2012 they only managed 72% to UNITA’s 19% and CASA-CE’s 6%), they have become more active in Parliament and more adept at ruffling party feathers. Last month for example, CASA-CE went beyond merely complaining about the murky circumstances behind the new Angolan Sovereign Wealth Fund, arguing that the President did not have the power to arbitrarily create new funds by decree, and actually took the issue to court (it was defeated, of course).

At the beginning of last week UNITA went where no opposition had gone before: they lodged a criminal complaint against President dos Santos and several senior members of the MPLA for charges related to the most recent elections, which the opposition and several rights groups consider to have been seriously flawed. Among the several charges against the President and his collaborators is the charge of High Treason.

What’s always fascinating to watch when such opposition initiatives occur is MPLA’s reaction. It usually goes something like this: within days the MPLA will issue a statement that will be reproduced in all state media, including the country’s only daily newspaper, the country’s news agency (ANGOP), state radio, state and private television, and private newspapers. Subsequently, Angolans from all walks of life will come forth and repudiate whatever it is that the Party is repudiating. It is truly a sight to see and a testament to just how much control the MPLA has over the national discourse. Sports stars, musicians, party spokespeople, members of parliament, television stars, and, much more worryingly, priests and other religious figures come out in support of whatever it is that the party is supporting at the moment. Even semi-literate kuduro artist Nagrelha has been asked for his views on matters of national policy (he sided with the ruling party).

In the blanket coverage and universal repudiation that ensues, there is no room for public discourse on the matter. There is no second opinion, no dispute of facts. There is no debate, no argument. The other voices in the conversation are simply not heard – it’s almost as if they don’t even exist. Tension is ramped up and before long the rhetoric of war is brought up. The party of the Architect of Peace, as dos Santos has come to be known by, invariably invokes the war rhetoric. Just last Friday for example, the ex-UNITA co-founder who went over to the MPLA in 2008 alluded to the war and said that UNITA should just be glad that they are still alive and thank dos Santos’ for his magnanimity.

Perhaps most distressing of all for our young democracy is MPLA’s mostly explicit but sometimes also subtle reinforcement that questioning the powers that be, debating their policies, making use of our rights, courts and institutions and otherwise participating in the democratic process as concerned citizens (or political parties) is somehow a danger to the stability of the country and could plunge it back into war (note the recurring war theme). It’s no secret that corruption is rife in Angola and trust in our public institutions is now woefully low. An engaged and critical civil society is necessary for the normal functioning of a State and is an integral part of the democratic fabric of a nation. So are strong institutions that have the respect and support of said civil society.

Unfortunately, the government abhors the former and has disenfranchised the latter.

Angola is a nation of bright minds, brilliant writers, exceptional musicians, and a civil society that, almost 11 years after war’s end, is ready to have its voice heard. It’d be nice if the government understood that. It’d be nice if they ceased with controlling all aspects of national discourse and national media and treated us as a democratic society that is capable of free-thought. It’d be nice if they respected us as citizens.


*Also available on Africa is a Country

O nosso centraleiro Cláudio Silva escreveu este artigo (em inglês) para os manos do Africa is a Country. O artigo foi depois retomado pelo jornal britânico The Guardian. O artigo foi escrito há quase um mês, mas nós na nossa eterna kunanguice só estamos a postar agora. Continua relevante. Boa leitura!

Our ‘centraleiro’ Cláudio Silva wrote this article for a site we enjoy reading, Africa is a Country. The article was then picked up by British newspaper The Guardian. The article in question is almost a month old, and in our eternal laziness we are only posting about it now. It remains highly relevant. Happy reading!

“Angolan authorities forced to act after horrific abuse videos go viral”

For the past two weeks, Angolans who use Facebook and other social media sites viewed and shared two particularly gruesome videos. One showed prison officials severely beating incarcerated men in the Comarca de Viana (Viana Jail), while the other, even more heinous, showed several men brutally beating and abusing two women who had allegedly attempted to steal a bottle of Moët & Chandon from the shop the men owned. The latter video lasts 13 long, uncomfortable minutes and among its more difficult scenes is the one in which an attacker forcibly kisses one of the women while the others laugh, and another in which the shop-owner beats the women with the blade of a machete. The video shows several men participating in the beating, while others, including women, stand by and watch while egging on the attackers. Both videos went viral in Angola.

They evoked very strong emotional reactions, particularly the second one. Within a matter of days, they had been mentioned on state television and talked about in public and private newspapers. It marks the first time that videos have gone truly viral in a country in which only about 5% of the population has access to the internet.

The videos come at a sensitive time. People continue to be shocked at the level violence permeating Angolan society. The torture and murder of a popular and well-liked teen last year at the hands of his teenage friends — which prompted a march against violence along Luanda’s new Marginal — is still fresh in many people’s minds. But the most remarkable outcome of this mass sharing of media was that the Angolan attorney general, or Procuradoria Geral da República (PGR) as it is locally known, actually did something about it. And they did it publicly and swiftly.

Read the rest here or the original post here