Archive for the ‘Central in English’ Category

Angola: One Party, One Voice*

Posted: March 18, 2013 in Argumentos, Central in English, Direitos, Opinião
2

Angola is a country that has been ruled by the same party, the MPLA, since independence in 1975. The party has effectively transformed itself from a socialist bloc into a purely capitalistic organization with a diverse array of business interests and impressive market-savvy, all thanks to the barrels upon barrels of oil the country has been endowed with. In order to even begin to understand Angola’s politics however, one must first attempt to comprehend just how powerful and ubiquitous the MPLA is. O MPLA é o povo, e o povo é o MPLA (“The MPLA is the people, and the people are the MPLA”) is one of their most cherished slogans, originating from the time Angola was a single-party state between 1975-1992. If even just symbolically, it effectively demonstrated that in the MPLA psyche there was not even a need to separate between party and state and citizenry. The slogan speaks to the core about how the MPLA is so ingrained in Angolan civil society.

The country’s flag and the ruling party’s flags are virtually indistinguishable, all 18 provincial governors are appointed by the President and belong to the ruling party, and virtually all Ministers, government officials, judges, professors in state universities, and journalists in state media belong to the MPLA. Even Akwá, arguably Angola’s greatest professional football player, appeared in an election campaign ad for the MPLA dressed in the full national team uniform and scored a penalty kick after an overweight player dressed in UNITA’s colors had missed his. Akwá then became a Member of Parliament for the MPLA.

People in Angola usually blame the opposition for allowing this hegemony to go on unchecked, claiming that they are weak, bereft of ideas, and just as corrupt as those who they want to depose. Although true for some of the parties out there, most people are simply not aware of opposition party activities because these activities are not broadcast in national media. And when they are, the material is usually manipulated so that it loses its impact. In effect, the opposition is blockaded in traditional media.

Since the 2012 elections however, the opposition parties have showed renewed vigor and strength. Perhaps buoyed by their improvement in the polls (in 2008 MPLA won the elections with 82% of the vote to UNITA’s 10%, while in 2012 they only managed 72% to UNITA’s 19% and CASA-CE’s 6%), they have become more active in Parliament and more adept at ruffling party feathers. Last month for example, CASA-CE went beyond merely complaining about the murky circumstances behind the new Angolan Sovereign Wealth Fund, arguing that the President did not have the power to arbitrarily create new funds by decree, and actually took the issue to court (it was defeated, of course).

At the beginning of last week UNITA went where no opposition had gone before: they lodged a criminal complaint against President dos Santos and several senior members of the MPLA for charges related to the most recent elections, which the opposition and several rights groups consider to have been seriously flawed. Among the several charges against the President and his collaborators is the charge of High Treason.

What’s always fascinating to watch when such opposition initiatives occur is MPLA’s reaction. It usually goes something like this: within days the MPLA will issue a statement that will be reproduced in all state media, including the country’s only daily newspaper, the country’s news agency (ANGOP), state radio, state and private television, and private newspapers. Subsequently, Angolans from all walks of life will come forth and repudiate whatever it is that the Party is repudiating. It is truly a sight to see and a testament to just how much control the MPLA has over the national discourse. Sports stars, musicians, party spokespeople, members of parliament, television stars, and, much more worryingly, priests and other religious figures come out in support of whatever it is that the party is supporting at the moment. Even semi-literate kuduro artist Nagrelha has been asked for his views on matters of national policy (he sided with the ruling party).

In the blanket coverage and universal repudiation that ensues, there is no room for public discourse on the matter. There is no second opinion, no dispute of facts. There is no debate, no argument. The other voices in the conversation are simply not heard – it’s almost as if they don’t even exist. Tension is ramped up and before long the rhetoric of war is brought up. The party of the Architect of Peace, as dos Santos has come to be known by, invariably invokes the war rhetoric. Just last Friday for example, the ex-UNITA co-founder who went over to the MPLA in 2008 alluded to the war and said that UNITA should just be glad that they are still alive and thank dos Santos’ for his magnanimity.

Perhaps most distressing of all for our young democracy is MPLA’s mostly explicit but sometimes also subtle reinforcement that questioning the powers that be, debating their policies, making use of our rights, courts and institutions and otherwise participating in the democratic process as concerned citizens (or political parties) is somehow a danger to the stability of the country and could plunge it back into war (note the recurring war theme). It’s no secret that corruption is rife in Angola and trust in our public institutions is now woefully low. An engaged and critical civil society is necessary for the normal functioning of a State and is an integral part of the democratic fabric of a nation. So are strong institutions that have the respect and support of said civil society.

Unfortunately, the government abhors the former and has disenfranchised the latter.

Angola is a nation of bright minds, brilliant writers, exceptional musicians, and a civil society that, almost 11 years after war’s end, is ready to have its voice heard. It’d be nice if the government understood that. It’d be nice if they ceased with controlling all aspects of national discourse and national media and treated us as a democratic society that is capable of free-thought. It’d be nice if they respected us as citizens.

-Cláudio

*Also available on Africa is a Country

“When videos of abuses go viral in Angola”

Posted: March 11, 2013 in Angola, Central in English, Direitos Humanos, Notícias, Opinião
1

O nosso centraleiro Cláudio Silva escreveu este artigo (em inglês) para os manos do Africa is a Country. O artigo foi depois retomado pelo jornal britânico The Guardian. O artigo foi escrito há quase um mês, mas nós na nossa eterna kunanguice só estamos a postar agora. Continua relevante. Boa leitura!

Our ‘centraleiro’ Cláudio Silva wrote this article for a site we enjoy reading, Africa is a Country. The article was then picked up by British newspaper The Guardian. The article in question is almost a month old, and in our eternal laziness we are only posting about it now. It remains highly relevant. Happy reading!

“Angolan authorities forced to act after horrific abuse videos go viral”

For the past two weeks, Angolans who use Facebook and other social media sites viewed and shared two particularly gruesome videos. One showed prison officials severely beating incarcerated men in the Comarca de Viana (Viana Jail), while the other, even more heinous, showed several men brutally beating and abusing two women who had allegedly attempted to steal a bottle of Moët & Chandon from the shop the men owned. The latter video lasts 13 long, uncomfortable minutes and among its more difficult scenes is the one in which an attacker forcibly kisses one of the women while the others laugh, and another in which the shop-owner beats the women with the blade of a machete. The video shows several men participating in the beating, while others, including women, stand by and watch while egging on the attackers. Both videos went viral in Angola.

They evoked very strong emotional reactions, particularly the second one. Within a matter of days, they had been mentioned on state television and talked about in public and private newspapers. It marks the first time that videos have gone truly viral in a country in which only about 5% of the population has access to the internet.

The videos come at a sensitive time. People continue to be shocked at the level violence permeating Angolan society. The torture and murder of a popular and well-liked teen last year at the hands of his teenage friends — which prompted a march against violence along Luanda’s new Marginal — is still fresh in many people’s minds. But the most remarkable outcome of this mass sharing of media was that the Angolan attorney general, or Procuradoria Geral da República (PGR) as it is locally known, actually did something about it. And they did it publicly and swiftly.

Read the rest here or the original post here

Angolan authorities forced to act after horrific abuse videos go viral

Posted: February 14, 2013 in Angola, Argumentos, Central in English, Denúncia, Direitos, Direitos Humanos, Notícias, Opinião
1

Our very own centraleiro Claudio Silva wrote an article for Africa is a Country about the role of social media in Angola and how it helped spread two viral videos that showed abuses against Angolan citizens. The article was later picked up the The Guardian. But as with most things in Angola, everything is not what it seems. Read on:

For the past two weeks, Angolans who use Facebook and other social media sites viewed and shared two particularly gruesome videos. One showed prison officials severely beating incarcerated men in the Comarca de Viana (Viana Jail), while the other, even more heinous, showed several men brutally beating and abusing two women who had allegedly attempted to steal a bottle of Moët & Chandon from the shop the men owned. The latter video lasts 13 long, uncomfortable minutes and among its more difficult scenes is the one in which an attacker forcibly kisses one of the women while the others laugh, and another in which the shop-owner beats the women with the blade of a machete. The video shows several men participating in the beating, while others, including women, stand by and watch while egging on the attackers. Both videos went viral in Angola.

They evoked very strong emotional reactions, particularly the second one. Within a matter of days, they had been mentioned on state television and talked about in public and private newspapers. It marks the first time that videos have gone truly viral in a country in which only about 5% of the population has access to the internet.

The videos come at a sensitive time. People continue to be shocked at the level violence permeating Angolan society. The torture and murder of a popular and well-liked teen last year at the hands of his teenage friends — which prompted a march against violence along Luanda’s new Marginal — is still fresh in many people’s minds. But the most remarkable outcome of this mass sharing of media was that the Angolan attorney general, or Procuradoria Geral da República (PGR) as it is locally known, actually did something about it. And they did it publicly and swiftly.

Read the rest of the article here or here.

“Tudo É Deles!”

Posted: December 11, 2012 in Central in English, Corrupção, Humor
0

Much has been written and much has been said about corruption in Angola. Spend one day in Luanda and you will see for yourself how obviously rich some of us Angolans are. One day in Lisbon and Cascais and you will see the same. The wealth of the richest Angolans has never been officially quantified, but rest assured that people such as Isabel dos Santos, Manuel Vicente, Kopelipa, Dino do Nascimento (General Dino), and others – those names that keep  popping up whenever Angolan wealth, companies or corruption cases in Portugal are mentioned, have very wealthy portfolios. But how does this actually translate to the average Angolan’s life on the ground? How is corruption felt? How does the average Angolan consumer, or even foreign nationals living in or visiting Angola, line the pockets of the country’s “elite”? Let’s look at just how prevalent is the ruling elite’s financial influence in your day-to-day activities in Luanda. Let’s pretend you’re an expat/business traveler – this is from your perspective.

Say you’ve just landed in Luanda, made your way through our state-of-the-art airport (just kidding about the airport), waited an hour or so for your luggage and paid your driver to safely navigate your way through Luanda’s beautiful, fast-flowing streets (just kidding about the streets). Destination: your hotel. If your hotel is the HCTA in Talatona, Manuel Vicente will gladly say thank you, as him and a few of his friends illegally hold financial interests there. If not, well then, welcome to Luanda.

Meanwhile, you need to get a phone. Ideally even two phones. There are only two phone operators in Angola – UNITEL and MOVICEL. Either one you choose, you’ll be lining the pockets of our favorite corrupt Angolans. Movicel, which used to be a State company, was bought by a consortium of private companies with no known commercial activities. Their shareholders are either directly  employed by the Presidency or have direct links to it. The three most prominent shareholders are Manuel Vicente, Kopelipa and General Dino.

Nevermind, you say. You want to use Unitel instead – their adverts are funnier. Well, you’re in luck: you’re now lining the pockets of Isabel dos Santos, one of the main shareholders of Unitel, and the company GENI, owned by prominent MPLA stalwarts. You pay for your phone with your new Banco BIC Multicaixa card, and suddenly remember who one of the main shareholders at Banco BIC is: The lovely Isabel dos Santos.

All this shareholding talk is making you hungry. You’ve heard a lot about some great restaurants in the city. One of them is Oon.Dah, regarded by many as the best in Luanda. You decide to check it out and have your meal there. Congratulations – you’ve just lined the pockets of Isabel dos Santos, Oon.dah’s owner. For dinner, you decide you want a change from the delicious Asian fusion cuisine at Oon.Dah and are in the mood for some fine Brazilian steak – a rodízio, perhaps. So you call your business mates (on your Movicel/Unitel phone– Manuel Vicente, Isabel, and their friends say “cha-ching!”) and make your way to Esplanada Grill on the Ilha. Owned by…Isabel dos Santos!

You’re getting a bit tired of the traffic and don’t want to go back to the “city” just yet. “Let’s stay at the Ilha!”, you say. “Where can one hear live music?” It being a Thursday, your Angolan business mates will tell you about a great spot on the Ilha called Miami Beach. Nice breeze, great caipirinhas, and live music. When you leave there, having paid your bill, you’ll have added some more of your Kwanzas to Isabel dos Santos’ bottom line – it’s her restaurant.

“To hell with this,” you exclaim. “If I cook my own meal I bet I can have lunch without lining the pockets of the Angolan elite”, you reason, remembering that one of your friends was lucky enough to get an apartment in Kilamba. You call your Angolan mates (on your Unitel/Movicel) and ask them about a good place to do groceries near you. “Kero Supermarket”, they say. And there’s one in Kilamba! Happily having completed your purchases for your first home-cooked meal in Angola, you head over to your friend’s apartment, where you ask, “By the way, who owns Kero? It’s great in there!” “Well,”, he responds “Manuel Vicente, Kopelipa and General Dino are ultimately the main shareholders! They also own Delta Imobiliária, the only company allowed to sell Kilamba apartments and the one that got me mine!” You continue your meal in silence, stunned.

A few hours after dinner you’re watching some program about kuduro on state channel TPA 2, owned and managed by two of the President’s kids. There are two state-owned channels – TPA1 and 2; the only private Angolan channel is TV Zimbo, which you are not too surprised to know is owned by a group called Media Nova in which Kopelipa, Manuel Vicente and General Dino have significant interests. By now you’ve stopped caring. Your Unitel/Movicel phone is ringing and your Angolan friends want to take you to a night out on the town, to precisely the hottest club in Luanda. Destination: Kasta Lounge. Owner: Coreon Dú, the President’s son.

You end your day in bed, thinking “how is this even possible.” Your head is pounding. As is customary, you like to doze off to the sound of the television, and thankfully your hotel room is equipped with ZAP Cable. You land on some boring documentary that is perfect to fall asleep to.

It’s only then that you remember: Isabel dos Santos is a major shareholder at ZON Multimedia, parent company of ZAP.

Welcome to Angola.

*The title comes from a famous MCK lyric on the song ‘O País do Pai Banana’:

Também quero a paz no prato, dignidade e paz no prato./  Prefiro morrer a tiro do que morrer a fome, irmãos./ A disparidade é enorme, vivemos presos nesta armadilha, condenados a sermos escravos de três famílias./ Tudo é deles, do Talatona à Ilha, os diamantes são deles, o petróleo é deles, a imobilária é deles/ (…) para nós só temos o Zango e o Panguila./ O patrão é o colono, na terra do pai banana”.

In English:

“I also want peace on my plate, dignity and peace on my plate./ They rather shoot me than starve me, brothers./ The disparity is enormous, we are caught in this trap condemned to be slaves of three families./ Everything is theirs, from Talatona to the Ilha, the diamonds are theirs, the oil is theirs, the real estate is theirs/ (…) we only have Zango and Panguila./ The boss is the colonizer, in the Banana Republic”.

Dos Santos: The Day After

Posted: October 23, 2012 in Argumentos, Central in English, Corrupção
2

Jose Eduardo dos Santos

5 Reasons why Dos Santos will Continue to Exert Control over Angola Even After he Leaves

Over the course of the past 33 years, Angolan president José Eduardo dos Santos has been able to consolidate his hold on power within the MPLA, to the point where the party has become a hostage of his whims, his will, and his calculated manipulations. Perhaps the greatest example of this was the way dos Santos was able to insert Sonangol’s ex-CEO Manuel Vicente into the number 2 position within the MPLA hierarchy during the country’s latest polls, thus empowering Vicente as Angola’s vice president. Dos Santos went ahead with his plan even faced with vigorous opposition from the party’s senior members. He simply ignored them and imposed his will, going so far as to create a new, custom-made ministerial post for Manuel Vicente as a stepping stone to his imminent vice-presidency. The post was swiftly extinguished after the August elections.

Long term Angola observers will note, however, that dos Santos isn’t simply interested in power for power’s sake. Dos Santos has also presided over the enrichment of one of the most corrupt governments not just in Africa but the world, a government in which the president’s most loyal stalwarts have become fabulously wealthy  in an increasing rate since as far back as the early 1980’s; a government whose military generals directly profited from the country’s armed conflict; a government who has been repeatedly accused of siphoning off billions of dollars from the State coffers while the rest of the country stagnates with social development indicators well below its economic reality, completely at odds with the status as a major oil exporter.

Business executives looking for opportunity in Angola, as well as Angola’s own business community, have noted that the country possesses an extensive and pervasive patronage system that benefits a small and well-connected elite. At the center of this elite are the President and his family. Such an inherently unfair and unjust business climate has several important ramifications in a developing country: it stifles economic competition, exacerbates the gulf between the haves and the have-nots, inhibits social mobility, continues to enrich those who already benefit from a very cozy relationship with the opaque state apparatus, and, most importantly, enables the government’s policy of corruption through enrichment. In a society like Angola’s, there is nothing like a hundred thousand dollars in cash and a car or two to silence discontent and buy consciences.

Dos Santos and his friends are aware of this and have made sure to integrate themselves into the very fabric of Angola’s economy, with stakes in areas that range from oil to media to cement to wholesale distribution of food. Thus, even when Dos Santos finally leaves power, he will continue to exert considerable influence, if not outright control, in key areas of Angola’s economy and society. Below are 5 reasons why:

1) His children control key aspects of Angolan media

Semba Comunicações is responsible for virtually all of the content on TPA2, one of two state television channels. Both are unashamedly and at times fanatically pro-government. TPA2 is also notorious for its less than desirable programming. The country’s only “private” television channel, TV Zimbo, is owned by a holding company headed by dos Santos ally General Kopelipa and…Manuel Vicente, Vice President. This same holding also owns the weekly newspaper O País, which enjoys strong circulation numbers in the capital.

2) His daughter Isabel has a stake in most important sectors of the Angolan and Portuguese economy

Substantial interests in the banking, media, telecommunications, diamonds, oil, energy, hospitality, retail, and finance sectors make Isabel the strongest player in the Angolan economy and an increasingly important and influential investor in the Portuguese economy. In effect, dos Santos can now expand his influence not just in Angola but also in the European Union, by way of Portugal. It will be interesting to see the policial and economic ramifications of Isabel’s involvement in these economies in the years to come.

3) His son Zenu is a board member of Angola’s $5 billion sovereign wealth fund

Angola’s brand new sovereign wealth fund has José Filomeno dos Santos as one of its board members. Despite the assurances of Zenu, as he is commonly known, that he will uphold the rule of law and is clearly aware that he is now a “public servant”, the move is another clear case of nepotism in Angola’s economic affairs and another indication that dos Santos really does not care much for the Angolan people’s position on the matter, nor for the concept of “conflict of interests.” Angolans are counting on the sovereign wealth fund to invest in the country’s infrastructure, among other sectors, but its first investment was a luxurious office complex in London’s Savile Row.

4) His trusted associate Manuel Vicente, with whom Dos Santos shares key business interests, will most likely succeed him as president

Dos Santos, some of his children, and Vicente share many business interests and it is no surprise that he picked the latter to possibly succeed him as president. To Angola watchers who are aware of the country’s intricate business and economic reality (and who read Maka Angola), this could not have been much of a surprise: Manuel Vicente seemed like the perfect choice. For all his perceived managerial acumen, he ensured that Sonangol continued its opaque handling of Angola’s fabulous oil wealth with little financial transparency, is himself involved in an international corruption case involving Cobalt Energy and Nazaki Oil & Gas, which he formed with General Kopelipa,  and demonstrated complete loyalty to dos Santos. It will ensure that politically as well as economically, Angola’s socio-economic and political reality will stay the same, and the patronage system at the base of it all will be safeguarded.

5) He continues to exert complete control over the MPLA, which in turn exerts complete control over all aspects of  society

Ask anyone in MPLA’s powerful Central Committee: what do they think of Manuel Vicente? Dos Santos brazenly handpicked the ex-Sonangol CEO to be his number two on the electoral list to the detriment of several of MPLA’s senior figures, who besides having participated in the fight for independence, also stood by him through Angola’s communist years and now the country’s capitalist reincarnation. That they felt slighted is putting it mildly. But that dos Santos was able to do as he pleased highlights just how much power he has within the MPLA. And by controlling the MPLA, he controls all aspects of Angola’s society: sharp observers of Angola’s latest election will have seen how the Party implanted itself not just in political affairs but also in religion, music, schools, sport, etc. The specter of the Party at the center of daily life remains strong in Angola, and the cult of personality surrounding President dos Santos was very much in evidence throughout the last months and weeks of campaigning.

“33 é muito”, yes, but now we need to figure out how to ensure that after dos Santos leaves, we are able to take back control of our country, as Angolans and for the benefit of all Angolans.

“His Life Was Thown Away, so he Became a Stowaway”

Posted: October 11, 2012 in Central in English, Diáspora, Direitos Humanos, Notícias
1

Angolans in London pay tribute to anonymous stowaway countryman

In September of this year a rather peculiar and depressing piece of news made headlines around the world: a man, presumed to be Angolan based on the crumpled Kwanza currency notes in his pockets, was found dead in the streets of London, having dropped from the landing gear of a British Airways flight passing 2000ft overhead. The event received little mention in mainstream Angolan press but one can only imagine what type of desperation (and lack of knowledge about flight conditions in the gear of an airplane) would drive a man to attempt a journey in such conditions.

This Sunday, in London, a group of Angolans are getting together to pay their respects to the anonymous stowaway. Details below:Image

Zeitgeist Central Angola

Posted: July 30, 2012 in Angola, Central in English, Direitos Humanos, Eleições 2012, Notícias, Noticiário da Central
1

Bem-vindos ao Zeitgeist Central Angola, um resumo semanal (esperamos que seja mesmo semanal!) das principais notícias da imprensa nacional e internacional relacionadas com a nossa luta diária: a luta por uma angola verdadeiramente democrática. Vide abaixo:

Cimeira Multipartidária da Juventude exigiu realização de eleições livres e transparentes

Líderes juvenis de seis formações políticas juntaram-se a mesma mesa na tarde desta terça-feira para analisarem o decurso do processo eleitoral. Eleições livres justas e transparentes são algumas das recomendações saídas no certame.

Luanda: Polícia dispersa antigos colegas que exigem reenquadramento

Mais de 500 antigos efetivos da Polícia Nacional afastados desde 2008, concentraram-se na manhã desta terça-feira defronte ao edifício do Ministério do Interior para exigirem a sua recolocação. Os manifestantes foram dispersos pelas forças de segurança.

Entrevistas de Luaty na imprensa nacional internacional

Why the Angolan Government Framed and Beat Rapper Ikonoklasta

Angolan/Portuguese rapper Luaty Beirão aka Ikonoklasta, is an outspoken opponent of Angola’s long-term president José Eduardo dos Santos and his MPLA government. Beirão spoke candidly about the state of Angola’s politics to Okayafrica’s Lukasz Polowczyk from the safety of Portugal, where he’s currently awaiting trial for drug smuggling, a charge the Angolan government framed him for. Beirão says that he will die fighting the government for justice, adding that he is headed back to Angola on July 25th to continue the protest ahead of presidential elections there on August 31.

Collective Actions are Incredibly Contagious

Few people today are willing to risk their reputation, or life in the spotlight since Fela Kuti and John Lennon who thought their art should have purpose even if controversial. Being a militant political performer as a musician has disappeared into the background. Luaty Beirão is Ikonoklasta, a driven and culturally significant hip-hop musician fighting against the abuse of power in Angola. Catching onto the trends of the Arab Spring, in 2011 Angolans were challenged by an anonymous internet post to try and overthrow Eduardo dos Santos and the MPLA. It became clear to the people of Angola after the Government’s reaction of fear to the post that their lives were being run under the guise of democracy, and they soon began to fight against the manipulative dictatorship. Getting arrested for his performances, lyrics, and being set up for the smuggling of drugs, Luaty continues to display the unjust acts hidden from the general eye. He feels it is his duty to demand the freedom to live; live without worrying about his securities or the safety of his friends, family, and country. He teaches us that bad things may happen, but nothing is worse than losing who you are at the cost of your freedom.

Entrevista com Luaty Beirão (Maka Angola)

Numa tarde amena, em Lisboa, o Maka Angola sentou-se à conversa com Luaty Beirão, músico de hip hop, também conhecido como Ikonoklasta e como Brigadeiro Mata Frakus. Filho de João Beirão, antigo presidente da Fundação José Eduardo dos Santos (FESA), Luaty é também um conhecido participante do movimento jovem de contestação que tem vindo a crescer em Angola desde 2011.

Charitable Musicians: Hip-Hop Rapper Ikonoklasta Protests Against The Angolan

In early 2011, as the turmoil from the Arab Spring protests made their way into pockets of Africa, Angolan youth began taking to the streets themselves. At the heart of their ongoing dissatisfaction remains the 32-year reign of President Jose Eduardo dos Santos, who protesters cite as the cause of mismanaged oil revenues, suppressed human rights, and widespread poverty, amongst other corruptions.

Entrevista ao Novo Jornal

A seguinte entrevista foi feita via email por uma jornalista do NJ. Foi-lhe dado um tempo limite para responder para que fosse exequível a publicação da mesma. Luaty cumpriu os prazos, tendo enviado a entrevista tal qual partilhamos aqui, no dia 24 de Junho. O NJ acabou por decidir não publicar a entrevista. Censura? Deixaremos que seja o leitor a julgar, a verdade é que o público que ainda se cinge ao formato papel ficou privado do testemunho do Luaty em relação aos acontecimentos que o têm afetado no último ano e meio, a si e aos seus companheiros de percurso.

Canal Q – É Proibido Ver Isto (Vídeo)

JES – O Escolhido de Deus

Posted: July 13, 2012 in Central in English, Denúncia, Fotos, Humor
3

LOLOL! Sem comentários!

JES – God’s Chosen One

The photographed poster says the following:

The religious community fully supports the candidacy of José Eduardo dos Santos, God’s chosen one.

We simply cannot make this stuff up!

Central 7311 Apresenta: Historial das Manifestações em Angola

Posted: June 28, 2012 in Argumentos, Central in English, Denúncia, Manifestações, Videos
4

Somos apelidados de “arruaceiros”, “confusionistas”, “criminosos”, “drogados”, de tudo e mais alguma coisa,  mas de vez em quando na nossa desorganização “criminal”, ainda conseguimos fazer coisas com qualidade. Estamos por isso orgulhosos de vos brindar com um pequeno documentário de curta duração, cujo título demonstra exactamente o que é: um Historial das Manifestações que vêm decorrendo em Angola desde o dia 7 de Março de 2011. Na luta pela informação da verdade, peças como esta são sempre bem-vindas e ajudarão a esclarecer os que queiram perceber a causa da nossa luta, ou mesmo os cegos voluntários que finalmente decidiram tirar as palas dos olhos. Infelizmente, para os outros, os que continuam insistentemente a olhar para o lado e a assobiar, tentando encontrar justificações morais para a imoralidade, este documentário não irá adicionar nada de novo, será só mais uma peça para o seu escárnio.

We’re called “troublemakers”, “rabble-rousers”, “drug addicts”, “criminals” and a host of other less than flattering names, but for social degenerates, as the regime would want you to believe, and even in our perpetual state of disorganization, we sometimes produce good, honest work. We’re therefore proud to offer you a short documentary we’ve been working on for awhile: A Brief History of our Protest Movement. The documentary is in Portuguese with English subtitles and details our journey since that fateful day of March 2011. In the fight to counter the mass propaganda disseminated against us, little videos like this one will go a long way. Not only for you out there, but also for our brothers right here in Angola that refuse to “see the light”. Unfortunately, for our brethren that prefer to look the other way and pretend that nothing is going on, trying in vain to find a moral explanation for the amoral, this documentary will bring nothing new to the table. It’ll be just another useless Youtube video.


Breaking News: Militias pro-Dos Santos attack young people in Luanda

Posted: May 23, 2012 in Central in English, Denúncia, Direitos Humanos
0

Source: Makaangola.org / Rafael Marques – 23 MAIO 2012

Translated to English by: Pedrowski Teca

Luanda - A group of about 15 people attached to Angolan pro-government militias, armed with pistols, machetes and iron rods, have attacked the group of young people who have been co-ordinating demonstrations against President José Eduardo dos Santos since March 2011. President Dos Santos’ 32 year rule is tied for the longest in Africa.

Shortly after 10pm on Tuesday night the attackers burst into the home of rap artist Casimiro Carbono in Luanda’s Nelito Soares neighbourhood, where ten youths had gathered.

With pistols in their hands, the attackers violently beat Gaspar Luamba, Américo Vaz, Mbanza Hamza, Tukayano Rosalino, Alexandre Dias dos Santos, Jang Nómada, Massilon Chindombe, Mabiala Kianda, and Jeremias Manuel Augusto “Explosivo Mental”. Their host, Casimiro Carbono, avoided the attacks as he had gone outside a few moments earlier to take a telephone call.

Afonso Mayanda, known as “Mbanza Hamza”, 26, said the attackers carried out the attacks in a quick and businesslike manner as soon as the door was opened. “They beat me with an iron rod on the head and all over my body, and pointed pistols at us so we wouldn’t resist the beating,” he said. Mbanza Hama needed 12 stitches in his head, and suffered fractures to his skull and right arm.

Gaspar Luamba was also severely beaten on the head with an iron rod, needing eight stitches, and his arms were broken. One of the pro-government thugs also struck Jang Nómada on the head with an iron bar, severely injuring him in addition to the beating he received to his entire body.

The rapper Jeremias Manuel Augusto “Explosivo Mental”, 25, tried to fight off the blows aimed at his head, and ended up with swollen arms, a broken finger on his right hand, and bruises all over his body. Massilon Chindombe, who tried to hide in the bedroom, said one of the attackers pointed a pistol at him when he was trying to close the door. “We said we were calling the police, and he laughed and replied ‘what police?’”. Chindombe said they took the wounded to the Américo Boavida Hospital after the attack. “Luamba and Mbanza Hamza had lost a lot of blood and were semi-conscious. At the hospital one of the nurses tried to apply stitches to Luamba without anaesthetic or attention to basic hygiene. We had to go to a private clinic,” he said.

Eyewitnesses said that when the militias were leaving the scene of the crime they fired three shots to disperse the neighbours who had begun to gather in the street, and drove away in Toyota Land Cruiser vehicles allegedly belonging to National Police officers. In several previous demonstrations that have been suppressed by the National Police, the group of attackers has carried out acts of violence under police protection. Some members of the group have been identified as police officers.

Since Monday, the demonstration organisers have had the use of a bi-weekly programme on the opposition station Rádio Despertar, where they have tried to promote freedom of expression and to talk about the protests. Carbono Casimiro said the activists who were attacked this week had gathered in order to “devise new strategies for our radio programme and we were also discussing other problems to do with internal organisation and projects”. Rádio Despertar has been broadcasting since 2006 in terms of the peace agreement that allowed the former rebel movement UNITA to transform its Voz do Galo Negro (Vorgan) radio station into a commercial broadcaster. It is permitted to broadcast only in Luanda on FM, and its distinctly anti-regime editorial line has served to increase its listenership.

This week’s attack was the second time that militias have invaded Carbono Casimiro’s home. The first time was on March 9 this year, when the assailants used iron bars to attack Casimiro and the activists Liberdade Sampaio, Catumbila Faz-Tudo “Caveira”, Nelito Ramalhete and António Roque dos Santos, who were planning a demonstration against Dos Santos the following day. On March 10, the attackers violently dispersed a group of about 30 protestors at the Cazenga Tank in Luanda. Among those seriously injured in the attack were the rapper Luaty Beirão “Ikonoklasta” and the secretary-general of the Bloco Democrático party, Filomeno Vieira Lopes, who had to undergo surgery in Germany. Two days later, the Angolan state television, TPA, gave plenty of airtime to a purported “Group of Angolan Citizens for Peace, Security and Democracy in the Republic of Angola”, which claimed responsibility for the attacks and promised further violence against those who demonstrated against the regime.

Censorship and the control of what is broadcast on TPA are watched scrupulously by Dos Santos’s executive, and the reading of a statement by an unknown group boasting of having committed a crime would in no circumstances have been allowed without the approval of the authorities. The pro-government extremists are drawing inspiration from Arab fundamentalist organisations to spread their image of terror.

Link in Portuguese: http://makaangola.org/2012/05/milicias-pro-dos-santos-atacam/

Link: http://www.club-k.net/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=11299%3Amilicias-pro-dos-santos-atacam-jovem-em-luanda&catid=10%3Amanifestacoes&Itemid=142

Older Entries