Archive for the ‘Central in English’ Category

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1 ano depois da prisão dos ativistas, achamos ser este o dia adequado para assinalar as perseguições e injustiças e de reclamarmos a liberdade de expressão designada na nossa constituição.

O caso dos 17 despertou a atenção de grande parte dos Angolanos e da comunidade internacional mas estes e outros ativistas continuam presos ou limitados na sua liberdade. Porque precisamos de todos os que querem contribuir para uma Angola melhor, livres de o poderem fazer, porque manifestar não é guerra, porque não há paz sem justiça e igualdade, porque acreditamos que juntos vamos virar uma página na história do nosso país, apelamos a que, em Angola e na diáspora, cada um, na sua língua, na sua localidade e na sua maneira, se associe.

Dia 20, porque todos somos reféns, vamos manifestar a nossa solidariedade com os presos e reclamar a nossa “Libertação” prometida há 40 anos! Como?

  • Espalhando a imagem anexa.
  • Utilizando uma peça de roupa branca.
  • Dando opinião nas redes. Com texto ou imagens.
  • Imprimindo este panfleto e/ou este cartaz.
  • Organizando uma ou participando numa das concentrações em:

Dia 18
Bruxelas – Parc du Cinquantenaire, Fête de La Musique – 23h

Dia 19
Lobito – Junto a rotunda da zona alta da lixeira – 18h

Dia 20
Luanda – Sambizanga – Rotunda da Boavista – 12h
Luanda – Cacuaco – Paragem da Vila junto ao Tanque – 12h
Luanda – Viana – Junto ao Alimenta Angola da Estalagem – 12h
Luanda – Belas – Rotunda do Camana – 12h
Lisboa – Rossio – 19h
Lobito – Rotunda do Camioneiro, Zona Alta, 18h
São Paulo – Hip Hop pela Liberdade, Praça Rooselvelt, Centro SP, 19h

Dia 21
Paris – Parvis de L´Eglise Saint Bernard, 18éme – 21h
Lobito – Rotunda do Camioneiro, Zona Alta, 18h

Dia 24
Joanesburgo – Consulado de Angola – 10h

Dia 26
Luanda – Partida de futebol no campo da Igreja São Domingos – 15h

Gritando ”Queremos Liberdade!”

Mais sugestões e informações em:
Todo o material gráfico aqui:

Mais info sobre o caso em:

Amnesty

#liberdadeja #angola17



20th June. Liberation Day.

1 year after the activists’ detention, we trust this is the best day to expose persecutions, injustices and to reclaim our right to freedom of expression, association and assembly as stated in our constitution

The case of the 17 activists generated great attention from a significant number of Angolans and the international community, but these and other activists are still detained or facing constraints to their freedom. Because we need everyone that wants to contribute for one better Angola to be free to do it, because to do a peaceful demonstration does not lead do war, because there isn’t peace without justice and equality, because we believe that together we can turn this page in the history of our country, we call upon each of you, in Angola and in the diaspora, in your language, in your city and in your own way, to join us.

20th June, because we are all hostages of the atrocities being committed by this government, we will demonstrate our solidarity with the political prisoners and reclaim our Liberation, as it was promised 40 years ago! How?

  • Share the event image
  • Wear a white piece of clothing
  • Post your opinion about the political imprisonments on social media. With texts or images.
  • Organize one or participate in one of the following demonstrations:

18 June
Brussels – Parc du Cinquantenaire, Fête de La Musique, 11PM

19 June
Lobito – In the roundabout in “zona alta da lixeira” – 6PM
Luanda – Football match in the football field of church São Domingos – 3PM

20 June
Luanda – Sambizanga – Boavista’s roundabout  – 12PM
Luanda – Cacuaco – Paragem da Vila junto ao Tanque – 12PM
Luanda – Viana – Alimenta Angola da Estalagem – 12PM
Luanda – Belas – Camana’s roundabout – 12PM
Lisbon – Rossio – 7PM

21 June
Paris  – Parvis de L’Église Saint Bernard, 18éme – 9PM

24 June
Johannesburg – In front of the Angola Consulate – 10AM

26 June
Luanda – Football match in the football field of Church São Domingos – 3PM

Shouting “We want freedom”

Or following one of the many suggestions listed here: http://www.centralangola7311.net or facebook.com/centralangola7311

All graphic material here:

Click on the Amnesty icon for more info about the case:

Amnesty

#liberdadeja #angola17

 

 

 

 

Julgamento dos 15

*Photo por Ampe Rogério

You can find the English translation below

Terça-feira, 8 de Dezembro

O processo dos 15+2 prosseguiu hoje com início meio atribulado com a chuva que assolou a cidade de Luanda, impedindo o início pontual da sessão pela chegada tardia do advogado de defesa Walter Tondela. Impaciente o juiz Januário Domingos serviu-se do pretexto para atribuir um defensor oficioso de nome Albano Guerra ao réu José Gomes Hata. O interrogatório de José Hata teve início na segunda-feira. As sessões começam habitualmente as 10h50. Deu-se o início da sessão com interrogatórios do Ministério Público ao réu que desde logo teve uma posição: “Digno representante do Ministério Público, ontem eu fui claro em dizer que não vou responder a nenhuma pergunta; Meritíssimo juiz, eu não tenho confiança no defensor oficioso, não o conheço, e na ausência do meu advogado eu vou-me manter em silêncio durante a sessão.” Não tardou, entrava o seu advogado Walter Tondela para sala de audiência.

O Ministério Público exibiu o vídeo número 4 onde se ouvem supostamente as vozes dos co-réus Mbanza Hamza e Luaty Beirão, com a imagem de alguns participantes nos debates a darem costas à câmara. Depois seguiram-se mais interrogatórios ao Hata e mais tarde foi a vez do réu Sedrick de Carvalho.

Sedrick respondeu fundamentalmente as questões obrigatórias sobre a sua identidade e depois foi franco em dizer ao juiz: “Meritíssimo, só responderei as perguntas relacionadas aos factos puníveis pelo código penal”. Seguramente Sedrick citou alguns artigos plasmados no código penal. Mais adiante deu-se o intervalo. No reatamento o juiz Januário Domingos e o seu auxiliar Agostinho continuaram com os interrogatórios ao Sedrick.

Na maioria as questões feitas pelo juiz foram do género: “Porque é que falaste de ética sobre alguns que convocam uma manifestação e não aparecem no local?” Sedrick, limitou-se a dizer: “Não vejo relevância nesta pergunta e por isso, nada a declarar.”

Por fim o juiz alegou que pelas notáveis ausências de alguns dos co-réus até aqui já interrogados, tais como: Domingos da Cruz, Nito Alves e Nuno Dala, alegadamente por razões de saúde, o tribunal decidiu que de agora em diante só estarão presentes nas sessões os co-réus que estejam indicados para serem ouvidos nas mesmas. Todos os outros permanecerão nas suas celas.

O réu Mbanza Hamza pediu ao advogado para expor a sua preocupação que se cingia em: “Caso um dos co-réus queira assistir a sessão haveria uma exceção à esta decisão?

O juiz respondeu: “nós fomos bem claros na nossa decisão, não.”

O juiz deu por terminada a sessão indicando a continuação da audição do Sedrick para o dia seguinte e indicando Fernando António Tomás “Nicola o Radical” como o próximo a ser ouvido.

Pelo nosso repórter cívico,
edição feita por @CA7311

SUMMARY OF THE 17th DAY OF THE TRIAL OF THE 17

Tuesday, December 8

The process of the 15+2 carried on today with a troubled beginning due to the rain that hit the city of Luanda, delaying the start of today´s session with the late arrival of defense attorney Walter Tondela. Impatiently the judge Januário Domingo used it as a justification to attribute a public defender by the name of Albano Guerra to the defendant José Gomes Hata. Hata´s questioning started on Monday. The session initiated as usual at 10h50 am.

Today´s session opened with the questioning of the defendant by the Public Ministry, who immediately made his statement: “Honorable representative of the Public Ministry, yesterday I was clear in saying that I will not answer any of your questions; Dear judge, I have no faith in the public defender, I don´t know him, and in the absence of my own attorney I will maintain myself in silence throughout this session.” It didn´t take long for Walter Tondela, the defense attorney, to walk into the court room.

The Public Ministry exhibited video number 4, in which the voices of the co-defendants Mbanza Hamza and Luaty Beirão supposedly are heard, with images of the backs of some of the participants in the debate. After the video further questioning of Hata took place and later on it was the turn of the defendant Sedrick de Carvalho.

Sedrick mostly answered the mandatory questions about his identity and after that he frankly told the judge: “Your Honor, I will only answer the questions related to facts sanctioned by the criminal code”. Confidently Sedrick cited some of the articles embodied in the criminal code. Later on there was a recess and during the resumption of the session judge Januário Domingos and his assistant Agostinho carried on questioning Sedrick.

For the most part the questions made by the judge were of the kind: “Why have you spoken about ethics referring to some of the people who organized a protest and didn´t show up at the meeting spot?” Sedrick limited himself by answering: “I don’t see any relevance in this question, so I have nothing to declare.”

At last the judge stated that because of the noticeable absences of some of the co-defendants already questioned, such as: Domingos da Cruz, Nito Alves and Nuno Dala, allegedly for health reasons, the court had decided that, from now on only the co-defendants that are scheduled to be heard will be present in the court room. All the other defendants shall remain in their cells.

The defendant Mbanza Hamza asked the attorney to make his concern clear, being: “In case of any of the co-defendants wishing to watch a session could there be an exception to this decision?”

To which the judge answered: “We were quite clear about our decision, no.”

The Judge closed the session indicating that the hearing of Sedrick would continue on the next day, communicating that Fernando António Tomás “Nicola o Radical” will be the next one to be heard.

By our citizen reporter (in Portuguese)

Translation by volunteer Marina Zimmermann
Edited

@CA7311

 

An article (for subscribers only) by Louise Redvers sheds light on the permanent violence exerted upon peaceful protesters by the savage police forces under the command of the regime.

 

Peace abroad, but not necessarily at home

Another heavy-handed shutdown of an attempted anti-government protest has stirred anger in Angola, where people are becoming increasingly concerned about the government’s apparently growing intolerance to criticism. The ruling MPLA accuses its detractors of trying to subvert democracy, but opposition parties claim this obsession with maintaining the peace is only serving to stir up more political intolerance.

Angola is working overtime to promote itself abroad as a vibrant economic success story and a beacon of regional stability. In October it won a seat on the UN Security Council, and in January it will take over the presidency of the Kimberly Process, the international body set up to counter the trade in so-called blood diamonds. Meanwhile, local venture funds regularly appear in the international media proclaiming the country’s tantalising investment opportunities. However, although the government pours money into polishing up its external image, domestic tensions are rising. People are increasingly unhappy with how the authorities are reacting to the actions of youth groups and opposition parties that are critical of the ruling Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA) and the president of 35 years, José Eduardo dos Santos.

Events in Burkina Faso, where hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets and forced the removal of the long-serving president, Blaise Compaoré, prompted a handful of political activists to give media interviews warning that Mr dos Santos could meet a similar fate. In response, a number of leading MPLA figures spoke out, calling on people to keep the peace and maintain order. More controversially, the main opposition party, the União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola (UNITA), was accused of inciting violence through public protest, and in mid-November the state-owned Jornal de Angola ran a front-page story in which the interior minister, Ângelo de Barros Veiga Tavares, warned of “veiled efforts” to overthrow the democratic regime. Mr Veiga Tavares also called on the security services to “intensify their surveillance” and ensure law and order were maintained.

This is not the first time the government has adopted a highly defensive tone against its critics, and nor was the heavy-handed shutdown of youth protests in late November the first of its kind. However, the cumulative effect of the threatening language and growing catalogue of allegations of police cruelty is to provoke new tensions that could, if left unchecked, lead to more sustained social unrest.

Security services on trial?
Another headache for the government is the resumption in November of the criminal trial of seven security agents accused of killing two activists who went missing after an anti-government protest in May 2012. For 17 months the authorities denied any knowledge of the whereabouts of Isaias Cassule and António Alves Kamulingue, but in November 2013, following sustained civil society pressure, the attorney-general finally admitted the pair had been kidnapped and probably murdered.

Local media have devoted substantial space to pouring over the details of the case, including claims from within the State Intelligence and Security Service that one of activists had been recorded meeting with a supposed agent from the US’s Central Intelligence Agency, who it later transpired was a Human Rights Watch researcher of Swiss nationality. The trial is a major embarrassment for Angola’s security services and for the country generally and it jars with the glossy promotional videos shown at “invest in Angola” roadshows.

November was also the first anniversary of the death in custody of Manuel Ganga, a member of the country’s third-largest party, the Convergência Ampla de Salvação de Angola-Coligação Eleitoral (CASA-CE). Mr Ganga was detained by presidential guards after distributing posters advertising a protest march reacting to the admission from the attorney-general that Mr Cassule and Mr Kamulingue were dead. Mr Ganga was, it was reported, shot, because he tried to escape detention.

To mark Mr Ganga’s death—for which no-one has yet been charged—CASA-CE and his family members led a procession through the capital, Luanda, on November 22nd. This passed off peacefully, but later that day riot police detained a group of youths who tried to stage a protest calling for the resignation of Mr dos Santos. Officers locked down part of the city centre to prevent their passage and there are claims—apparently backed by photographs on social media—that some young people were beaten while in detention.

This seemingly disproportionate response to a small group of placard-carrying young people reveals a nervousness, even a paranoia, on the part of the authorities. No-one, not least the young people themselves, expects these demonstrations to start an Egypt-style revolution; rather, their protests have become about the principle of exercising their constitutional right to freedom of expression and assembly.

For several months, different members of the loose group calling itself the Movimento Revolucionário Angolano have been staging “pop-up” protests to test the reactions of the authorities, who have on the whole taken the bait and made arrests. Every detention is more grist to the mill for lobby groups like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, both of whom have in recent months issued damning appraisals of the Angolan government.

The MPLA’s hegemonic grip on Angola’s economy, middle classes, cultural sector and religious movements means that any sort of Burkina Faso-style “African Spring” is highly unlikely. However, anger is fermenting, and with the continuing falling oil price likely to lead to cuts in public spending over the coming year, the government is going to have to work twice as hard to win the confidence of its population. Being so prickly about criticism is not the best way to do so.

 

 

– Political party CASA-CE via its youth wing, JPA, will organize a protest on the 22nd and 23rd of November 2014, going into the city of Luanda from the south-east to the Santa Ana cemetery over the Avenue Avenida Deolinda Rodrigues, with an outdoor Mass and prayer at 15h.
– The motto is: “Ganga – An example of patriotism and courage and an inspiration for the change of regime in Angola”, to demand the bringing to justice of the responsible for the death of their member Hilbert Ganga by the Presidential Guard.
– The activist was killed by a bullet on the 22nd of November last year by an individual belonging to the Presidential Guard when, with other colleagues, he was putting up pamphlets which announced an upcoming protest.

Translation of  Voice of America’s (VOA) article dated November 5th, titled: Casa-Ce planeia manifestação contra silêncio sobre morte de Hilbert Ganga

CASA-CE PLANS A PROTEST AGAINST THE SILENCE AROUND THE DEATH OF HILBERT GANGA

One year later remains to be solved the assassination of activist Hilbert Ganga by the Presidential Guard.

Manuel José, 5-11-14

The youth wing of Casa-CE plans to organize a protest this month to demand to bring to justice the responsible for the death of their supporter Hilbert Ganga by the Presidential Guard.

The activist was killed by a bullet on the 22nd of November last year by an individual belonging to the Presidential Guard when, with other colleagues, he was putting up pamphlets which announced the realization of a protest.

The Patriotic Youth of Angola (JPA) announced today, 5, that it will execute a series of activities this month, with the highlight of a march on the 22nd of the current, departing from the Estalagem neighborhood in Viana, to reach Santa Ana cemetery, where an outdoor Mass will be carried out, starting at 15 hours.

The march, according to Levergildo Lucas, secretary for Political Affairs for the JPA, is intended to press the authorities to hand over to justice the assassins of Hilbert Ganga.

“We won´t stop to mention the name of José Eduardo dos Santos, the President of the Republic who until now did little to nothing to let the direct culprit of the assassination of Ganga be presented to justice”, he said.

“We, the youth, will continue to fight to make sure the direct perpetrator just as the moral actors of this crime will have to respond in court”, he added.

Lucas admitted, however, there are indications that “the accused will be brought to judicial authorities to let him be tried and we are waiting because we are under pressure from family and the society”.

The journey of the JPA will begin on Thursday and will end on the 23rd of this month under the motto “Ganga – An example of patriotism and courage and an inspiration for the change of regime in Angola”.

– On the 22nd and 23rd of November 2014  peaceful protests for political reform in Angola will be held by young activists.
– The protests will take place at the Independence Square, and at the surroundings of the constitutional court and, tentatively, the presidential palace.
– A letter is subscribed by new groups with integration of already renowned conglomerates like the Revolutionary Movement of Angola MRA.

 

Translation of Letter to Provincial Government

NATIONAL COUNCIL OF ACTIVISTS FROM ANGOLA
To the Provincial Government of Luanda – Cabinet of the Governor – Luanda

Topic: Communication of the realization of a protest on the 22nd and 23rd of November 2014.

Excellency, we are members of the civil society (civil activists), our activities pertain to what we think is a contribution to the construction of a democratic society. We are leaving you this letter, to communicate to government authorities, under article 47º of the constitution of the Republic of Angola, that we will carry out a peaceful protest on the 22nd and 23rd of November 2014. The aforesaid protest will have its assembly point at Independence Square at 15h, with the start at 22h in front of the constitutional court. At 23h we are going to be protesting in front of the presidential palace under the slogan ´political reform in Angola´.

Thereby demanding before Africa and the world the immediate resignation of José Eduardo dos Santos from the position of president of the republic.

It will be featuring members of the Revolutionary Movement.

Protest Movement of Angola
Revolution Movement of Angola
Angolan Reformer Movement
Activists Union of the 18 provinces and the people in general

Without further points of concern we wish you a good health

Luanda, 10 October 2014.
National Council of Activists from Angola – Different Peoples One Nation … To Liberty
The subscribers

Written by Louise Redvers and “snatched” from OSISA’s blog, the original article can be found here

 

On the sidelines of the recent United Nations General Assembly meetings in New York, Angola invited investors to a business forum. Vice President Manuel Vicente – who remains under the scrutiny of the US regulator, the Securities Exchange Commission (SEC) regarding ownership of oil shares – told his audience how the country was “experimenting with a process of political and economic transformation which is consolidating the democratic institutions.”

The former Sonangol CEO stressed that the government was working hard to “implement measures that guarantee sustainable development, economic growth, population growth, employment and social justice, through equal opportunities for all citizens and fair distribution of the national revenue.”

I’m sure it was a well-attended event. As Africa’s second-largest oil producer, Angola offers significant investment rewards – and I imagine many business cards were swapped and follow-up meetings planned.

Meanwhile, back at the ranch, while Vicente, who was deputizing for President Jose Eduardo dos Santos, who after 34 years in power appears to believe global summits are beneath him and hence rarely travels, waxed lyrical about the nation’s achievements, Angola’s democracy ‘experiment’ didn’t appear to be going so well.

On September 12 in an incident revealing anything but the aforementioned social justice, 17-year-old Manuel Chivonde Baptista ‘Nito Alves’ was arrested for printing t-shirts with a slogan deemed ‘defamatory’ to the President. According to the state-owned Televisao Publica De Angola (TPA) the youngster had been “caught red-handed trying to take the country back to war”.

The t-shirts, it was claimed, were intended to be worn by members of a youth protest group, which had announced some weeks earlier they were going to stage a public demonstration. The aim of the event, among other things, was to complain about the length of dos Santos’ tenure, and voice concerns about continued forced evictions and demolitions, violence against street vendors, the unequal distribution of the country’s oil wealth and the continued disappearance of two activists, who vanished from a protest in May 2012.

What happened next has been well-told by international media, including Reuters and AFP and equally loudly condemned by Human Rights Watch and others. But in summary:

The day before the protest, which was planned for September 19, Police spokesman Aristofanes dos Santos used national television to warn the group not to assemble. Claiming that the event would threatening public security and citing leaflets that asked people to attend with weapons (leaflets the organisers denied producing) he said, “We will prevent, I repeat, vehemently prevent all acts against public order and security and we will use force if necessary.”

The spokesman stressed that the clampdown would not violate constitutional rights, which allow freedom of assembly and expression, but was necessary because the gathering threatened law and order.

In the end, only a dozen of so young people turned up at Praça da Independência, the spot where Angola’s first president, Agostinho Neto, declared his country’s independence from Portugal on November 11, 1975.

The police were waiting for them, in numbers which some say stretched to 2,000, though perhaps several hundred would have been more accurate. Still as well as the riot squad, it was reported there were heavily-armed Rapid Intervention Police (known as Ninjas for their masked appearance), mounted officers, dog teams and – it was claimed – a helicopter circling overhead.

Needless to say, the protest didn’t last long and within hours, more than 20 people were in custody and the square had been cleared – and the public security threat of a handful of young people carrying banners had been removed. This type of heavy-handed and over-the-top response exposes Angola as an authoritarian regime that not only cannot tolerate criticism, but is also so paranoid that it cannot bear to allow people to speak freely.

Unsurprisingly, this is not the Angola you see in the promotional videos that run on CNN, or the one that is portrayed at investment conferences. And it is somewhat ironic that the authorities’ attempts to block the protest and silence the young people involved should have led to such a stream of negative international headlines – and helped to spread their message much further than a peaceful demonstration ever would.

Perhaps the biggest mistake the police made was to detain journalists. On September 20, Rafael Marques de Morais, who runs the MakaAngola website, Alexandre Solombe Neto, President of the Angola chapter of the Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) in Angola and Vice President of the country’s Journalist Union, and Coque Mukuta, a reporter with the Voice of America Portuguese Service, were seized by armed police as they tried to interview the recently-released protestors outside a Luanda courthouse.

Surely given all the money Angola spends on publicity campaigns and secret information services, it must know that arresting an internationally-renowned anti-corruption campaigner, a senior member of its journalist union and a correspondent for one of the world’s biggest broadcasters is a bad idea?

Marques’s detailed and erudite description of his time in custody and the mistreatment he suffered rang a number of international alarm bells – and soon Reporters without Borders and Committee to Protect Journalists had joined the chorus of condemnation, alongside other local journalists who also voiced their outrage.

While Marques, Solome and Mukuta were released on the day of their arrest, the seven protesters held with them were kept in custody until September 23 when they were bailed for a collective US$15,400. (If you want to contribute to the bail fund, you can find more information here.)

This protest and its associated arrests may seem insignificant in the wake of the Westgate Mall siege in Kenya, or the Boko Haram attacks in Nigeria, both of which have claimed scores of lives. But what this incident reveals about Angola is important.

It tells us that the rights and freedoms that the government likes to boast about to potential investors, such as those in New York last month, are rather selectively enjoyed.

We see a police force that is prepared to use live television to threaten its own citizens, taking the actions of a dozen young people apparently more seriously that the wave of violent crime that has lately swept the capital. We see citizens arrested without cause. And we see a state media full of journalists who are prepared to parrot regime propaganda without question, so long as they keep getting paid.

But the Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA) knows it cannot rely forever on crackdowns and clever exploitation of people’s memories of the civil war. It knows that it needs to get the youth on its side. Young people now make up two fifths of the population. These are future voters and unless things start to change and the much-hyped economic diversification plan actually starts to bear fruit then they will be the future long-term unemployed with a lot less to lose than their war-weary parents.

In June, as part of a campaign to respond to growing disenchantment, dos Santos invited a group of young people to his pink presidential palace. Described as an ‘open dialogue’ (although the awkward photograph carried on the front of the Jornal de Angola the next day seems to suggest anything but), dos Santos told his audience – most of whom were not born when he began his term in office – that he was listening to their concerns.

The 71-year-old, whose daughter Isabel has recently become Africa’s first female billionaire and whose son Jose Filomeno runs the country’s Sovereign Wealth Fund, stressed his government’s commitment to young people, job creation and equity of opportunity. He called for everyone to keep talking and he said it was better to engage in dialogue than take to the streets to protest.

And just days before this latest round of arrests, dos Santos spoke at another youth event, telling 3,000 delegates from around the county that everyone needed to work together as active citizens.

All these words are noble, but they will no doubt be ringing hollow for the bailed protestors and their families, as well as for 17-year-old Nito Alves, who was allegedly kept in solitary confinement for two weeks following his arrest. (Click here to sign a petition calling for his release.)

If dos Santos really believes young people are so important to the development of Angola, it is about time he started listening to all of them, not just those voices he wants to hear.

I am sure there will be people who read this and say I am giving too much of a platform to a tiny majority, a handful of disaffected youth, and that the majority of the population is firmly behind the government and that the country has progressed in great economic leaps and bounds since the end of its war in 2002.

And I agree that these protestors are not many in number, but if they didn’t have something important to say, then I don’t think they would have been victim to such a large-scale clampdown.

By Louise Redvers

A equipa da Central vem por esta agradecer ao grande serviço prestado à Nação e ao mundo por S. Exª Camarada Eng.º Arqº da Paz Guia Imortal Adjunto Comandante-em-chefe Presidente José Eduardo “Kitumba” dos Santos, ao submeter-se pela primeira vez em 22 anos a um questionário previamente estudado ao qual se chamou de entrevista, oferecendo-nos a evidência definitiva da sua caducidade e necessidade urgente de passar à reforma.

Foi uma fantástica exibição de esterilidade de ideias, de incapacidade retórica, de inexperiência na submissão à incómoda posição de entrevistado (repararam nas primeiras perguntas como os olhos dele de cabulão andaram desesperadamente à procura dos dados estatísticos inventados?), de desconexão total com a realidade daqueles que pretende governar, do cinismo que não mais consegue dissimular atrás daquele risinho, da incoerência no discurso (ao mesmo tempo que enuncia a formação de quadros como sendo o maior feito do seu governo, sublinha a gritante falta de quadros anunciando que as portas estão escancaradas à imigração), um autêntico fogo-de-artifício de lugares-comuns e um carnaval de insultos à inteligência dos angolanos.

Não iremos ressaltar a “curiosidade” de ter privilegiado uma cadeia televisiva internacional para uma tão exclusiva cedência, nem dar-nos ao trabalho de refutar as ridículas acusações que nos foram endereçadas pois são de tal modo descabidas que seria preciso um esforço colossal para alguém ainda engolir essa historieta da carochinha, ou a voluntária cegueira militante que parece obrigatória para quem deseje singrar ladjum. Preferimos deixar as imagens falarem por si e lamentar que a SIC não tenha feito uma reportagem semelhante para contrapor a maquilhagem do progresso e Estado Social que o Henrique “sorriso chinês” Cimmerman ajudou a fazer.

(English translation below)

The Central team thanks the great service offered to the Nation and the world by His Excellency Comrade Engineer Architect of Peace Immortal Guide Adjunct Commander-in-Chief President José Eduardo “Kitumba” dos Santos, in submitting himself for the first time in 22 years to a previously-studied questionnaire, so-called interview, offering us definitive evidence of having past his expiration date and the urgent necessity of his retirement.

It was a fantastic exhibition of the sterility of ideas, of rhetorical incapacity, of inexperience in submitting to the uncomfortable position of the interviewee (note how in the first questions his eyes followed his cheat sheet desperately seeking invented statistical data?), of total disconnect from the reality of those he pretends to govern, of the cynicism that can no longer be hidden behind that little laugh, of the incoherence in the discourse (at the same time that he announces the education of cadres as the great achievement of his government, he underlines the screaming lack of skilled cadres when announcing that the doors are thrown open to immigration), an authentic fireworks of clichés and a carnival of insults to the intelligence of Angolans.

We will refrain from emphasizing the ‘curiosity’ of having privileged an international television station for such an exclusive offering, nor will we go to the trouble of refuting the ridiculous accusations that were addressed to us, they were so without basis that it would take a colossal effort for someone to swallow this old wive’s tale, or a militant voluntary blindness that seems obligatory for one who wants to succeed ‘inside’. We prefer to let the images speak for themselves and we regret that SIC did not report something similar to counterpose the makeup of progress and the Social State that Henrique ‘Chinese smile’ Cimmerman helped to create.